| Wadeye currently houses most of the people and provides most of the services. Many of the families live in the one house with two, three or more other families and this has been the case for as long as many can remember. Most local governments in Australia provide a regimented range of services; however Thamarrurr, possibly because of a dearth of other organisations, is expected, by residents and sometimes other governments, to look after everything from funerals to family disputes. It is a Council of Australian Government (COAG) trial site and has subsequently been besieged by public servants, media and politicians in the past few years at a time when the council is still in its infancy and struggling to find its feet.
During establishment in 2002, local Indigenous leaders stressed the need to structure the council to reflect some of their cultural foundations. Hence members are drawn from twenty separate land-owning groups. This has represented challenges, due to factors such as remoteness in ensuring proper quorums and the like. Nevertheless they are keen to further develop the concept and engage in mainstream activities including the education of their young and economic development of their people and country.
History reflects disengagement in some quarters within the Thamarrurr “community”. Poor educational outcomes, overcrowding, lack of employment has fostered a cross-section of young people who are disillusioned, often angry and sometimes violent. They have created their own structures of survival and often disregard the interests of other community members and “traditional” leaders. Attempts continue by clan leaders to “bring back in” these young people. Many of the leaders themselves, although fairly well educated, relinquished powers of control, sanctions, and resources during the early colonialist era. Even the right to perform ceremonies was curtailed for some time. These changes are still being grappled with.
Research on this project commenced in 2004. The methodology utilized is applied and field based. Some of the methods of engagement include:
- Interviews with individuals and groups
- Participant observation of daily events and interaction between people
- The mapping with informants of sites and subsequently clan estates
- Recording oral life histories of leaders
- Recording the stories and legends of the people
- Gaining the views of varied age groups (older, middle-aged, and younger)
- Examining, observing and documenting governance processes
- Assisting with the conduct of leadership and other workshops
Research so far indicates a rich, intricate, and complex system of leadership that is founded on factors such as land ownership, kin relationships, age and ceremonial responsibilities. Leadership appears nodal in context with principal points in the system where one has centralized influence and responsibility for “looking after” others (Myers 1986). Contrary to the notion of “Big men” in some circles, leaders receive little gain for their responsibilities. They also know the limitations of their authority and although interested in broader Indigenous debates, are cautious to engage because of a perception that it is beyond their nodal sphere.
It is hoped that the research will add value to how people in the community can develop ways forward. Importantly it may also provide a mechanism for “outsiders” to understand leadership in this region and more appropriately engage and work in better partnerships with the people.
Papers arising from this research include:
'Leadership: Issues and principles from the Thamarrurr (Port Keats) region in
the Northern Territory',
ICGP Occasional Paper No. 12, by Bill Ivory.
[73 Kb PDF document; see also the PowerPoint presentation,
549 Kb PDF document]
 Click here to download document.
'Indigenous governance
and leadership: A case study from the Thamarrurr (Port Keats) region in the Northern Territory',
ICGP Occasional Paper No. 8, by Bill Ivory.
[114 Kb PDF document]
Click here to download document.
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